johannesburg — of The last few weeks in South Africa have been deadly.Citizens view immigrants as enemies Outsiders participated in a bout of violence and political theater that left at least 12 people dead and hundreds more forced from their homes.
Ten of those killed in the xenophobic brawl were South African nationals, although the majority were migrants on the run. Two people were trampled during the looting. Some people have been attacked because they speak the wrong language or come from the wrong place. Such street violence has a long history, with more than 60 people killed in 2008, most of them poor foreigners, and more than 100,000 displaced.
This is not it unreasonable violence Or a spontaneous popular uprising. Nor is it merely a “criminal act,” as South Africa's political leaders have repeatedly asserted. Rather, it is an act rooted in South Africa's failure to transform. Continuing white privilege, world-class levels of inequality and unemployment are contributing factors. So are unstable police practices, cowardly political leaders, and a disillusioned population.
And fundamentally, this is also the story of a ruling party that is unable and afraid to truly accept the responsibility of governing a deeply divided and angry country.
The turmoil of recent weeks may have resonance with anti-immigrant politics in Europe and the United States, but it has a distinctly South African bent. Not only does it come from a different history, it is also more decentralized and violent. While Donald Trump, Matteo Salvini and Marine Le Pen stoked anti-immigrant sentiment from the lofty vantage point of the nation, South African politicians have learned to scapegoat from the streets.
This is a strategy that has been tried many times in diverse and volatile regions. It is the language of self-styled leaders, business associations and entrepreneurs who exploit the divide between insiders and outsiders, South Africans and mainly South Africans within the country. other African countriesboth nationals and immigrants, for their own purposes.
But classifying xenophobia as an immigration issue may do more harm than good. Aggressive anti-xenophobia campaigns risk raising the profile of foreign minorities and rendering their foreignness foreign. problem. Also, given the reality that the most violent and problematic manifestations of xenophobia are often rooted in local, municipal, township, and even neighborhood conflicts over land, jobs, and political status. is also distracting.
In South Africa's case, the key is the disconnect between the people and politicians.Voter engagement remains consistent I refused over the past 20 yearsMr. Miss, And areas where violence is occurring also have some of the lowest voter turnout in the country. Although many of these regions still support the ruling African National Congress, party participation It is in decline. Trust in neighbors is low. Trust in public institutions is even lower.
In these hotly contested arenas, political parties often yield to organizations and individuals who maintain order through violence. For example, in the town of Mamelodi on the outskirts of Pretoria, the Fomoron Residents Association acts as the de facto government, collecting fees and resolving disputes. Foreigners and immigrants are targeted. The association regularly steals from foreign-owned businesses to raise funds for its activities.
Local leaders incite hostility toward immigrants as a means of maintaining their authority. The pattern is widespread. After attacking and clearing the occupied houses, Zimbabwean, Geoff Lamoheil, a town leader near Pretoria, handed them out to his supporters. The informal settlement was named “Jeffsville.”
Similar examples abound. In Rosettenville, a working-class neighborhood in southern Johannesburg, leaders organized attacks on Nigerians accused of drug use and prostitution. In a residential area of Durban, a business group drove away about 50 foreigners and kidnapped them. Such vigilance does little to keep communities safe. Rather, it provides a platform for building political careers and intensifies xenophobia to the point of violence. Behind this is the failure of the government.
It's easy to denounce hatred and negativity. In fact, African countries and the African Union have condemned South Africa and threatened it with economic sanctions. Nigeria's Afrobeats stars canceled concerts in South Africa and Zambia's soccer team withdrew from a match in protest. South African embassies and businesses were attacked and the ambassador to Nigeria was given a ceremonial summons.
But blame is rarely an effective antidote. Campaigns led by relatively privileged international and national institutions, and even migrants themselves, to denounce xenophobic instigators on the basis of nationalist sentiments are like pouring gasoline on a fire. After all, what could serve their purpose better than being reprimanded by international elites who seek to protect “national values” and culture? Such an approach may only strengthen the cultural and political front.
For interventions to be effective, the triggers for xenophobic violence must be addressed. This is particularly important where migrants and the national population living around them suffer similar forms of deprivation, which is increasing across Africa and in neighboring regions of the Middle East, Latin America and the United States.
In South Africa, public awareness campaigns and reprimands are unlikely to work unless there is a serious effort to reshape the way towns are governed. As long as people continue to feel alienated and angry, outbursts of xenophobia will remain a threat. When police and formal leaders are distant, unresponsive, or part of the problem, people will find other solutions. In some cases, these forms of self-government can be surprisingly friendly and inclusive. Often they are violent. Confronting them means going into territory that politicians and police are afraid to tread.
South Africa has taught the world many lessons about forgiveness and reconciliation. As violent anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies spill over into Europe, the United States, and other regions, perhaps the world can learn new lessons about how local hatred is born and how it can be stopped. maybe you can give it.
Lauren B. Landau (@Lauren Landau) is a professor at the Center for African Immigrant Societies at the University of the Witwatersrand and editor of Exorcising the Demons Within: Xenophobia, Violence and Statecraft in Contemporary South Africa.
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