Former Eskom CEO Andre de Ruyter's account of corruption and incompetence at the state-owned company is frightening. But beyond the depiction of Eskom's horrors, the book contains a similarly disturbing and subtle message, he writes. Abdi Ismail Samatar.
“Truth to Power'' is a scathing critique of the ANC's practices that brought South Africa to its knees. This book is not the first report on the issue, as the Zondo Commission has well documented the chaos, but former Eskom CEO Andre de Ruyter's account of the impact of load shedding on everyday life It strikes a chord with sensitive people, given its dire implications. The author's description of Eskom's corruption and incompetence is horrifying. But beyond Eskom's fearful explanations, there are subtle messages that are equally unsettling. Discerning readers will see a vain character with an outdated neo-colonial worldview. This essay evaluates his two messages in this book.
Looting Eskom
De Ruyter identified five main causes of the country's energy crisis.
- Deployment of ANC cadres and collaboration with fake contractors
- corrupt coal economy
- Incompetent and dishonest government leadership leading the energy sector
- Important role of the state in the economy
- Lack of experienced engineers
First, De Ruyter pointed out that the placement of ANC executives in state-owned enterprises is a strategic issue. He noted that many of the personnel stationed in parastatals are ill-equipped for the job and are often interested in profiting from their assignments through corruption. In addition, such individuals were linked to fraudulent contractors who bid for service contracts with Eskom. The deal created a criminal network that crippled big energy companies and destroyed some state-owned enterprises.
Secondly, Mr de Ruyter accused the coal mafia of undermining Eskom's ability to maintain electricity generation in two ways. First and foremost, a coalition of stakeholders cornered coal supplies to a number of Eskom bases. This mafia carried out murders while exporting high-grade coal and supplying Eskom with low-grade coal. This use of coal significantly reduced the load.
Third, the Minister of Minerals and Energy, a former leader of the National Union of Mineworkers, was De Ruyter's biggest opponent. Gwede Mantashe accused the minister of selling the country short by blocking the transition to green energy, blocking private production of green energy and refusing to use the Eskom grid.
Read | Pieter du Toit: Cadre de Ruyter – With the ANC in charge, Eskom has no chance
Fourth, De Ruyter argued that the state's involvement in the economy was a major obstacle to economic growth and advocated economic liberalization without social constraints. “Historically, there is no better way to allocate resources than the market,” he said. “Wherever governments have allocated resources, they have been abysmal failures.” Therefore, the ANC should have liberalized the economy in 1994.
Fifth, Mr. De Ruyter argues that the ANC government has failed to retain skilled white workers who have left the country, and that white and black engineering graduates may be well-trained but have little to gain through practice. They claimed that they lacked the practical experience needed. This situation created a shortage of experienced engineers, which Eskom needed most.
Advantages of De Ruyter's argument
Some of Mr de Ruyter's accusations confirm what is known, but others are misplaced.
As the Zondo Commission has documented, massive corruption has crippled vast areas of the public sector. What is clear from the existing evidence is that the ANC leadership has tolerated abuses of public power, particularly over the past two decades. In fact, prominent leaders have flaunted the ANC's own ethical principles, declaring that “we did not fight for liberation to remain poor.”
Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), part of the ANC's economic reforms, was an honorable idea in principle given the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. But BEE was a strategic failure because it led to today's vile rift between rich and poor blacks. So while corruption is just one serious problem facing South Africa, De Ruyter's prescription for the future direction is a neo-colonial repackaging of economic apartheid. equal.
Why is De Ruyter's neocolonial strategy wrong??
Mr de Ruyter rejected claims by his critics that he was a right-winger. Despite his protests, his views on the economy and understanding of African history are inconsistent with his self-image. Politically, he positions himself on the “left wing”. white political thinking But what that actually means is not explained. Furthermore, he has stated that he has “never voted for the ANC”. Acknowledging this, and given that there is nothing in the book to criticize apartheid, the reader is left wondering if he is a member of his three white political parties: the National Party (NP), the Freedom Front (FF), or the Democratic Party. You will think that you have voted for something. In the most important election, he supported the Democratic Party (DP) rather than Mandela. This unconscious confession meant that he was in favor of the rapid privatization of the economy orchestrated by the NP to preempt social justice.
Read | Opinion: Nick Dull and Matthew Blackman – Calling BS on Andre de Ruyter's 'white Afrikaans blind spot'
De Ruyter's Praise for the West (Including Margaret Thatcher.), his unabashed deference to World Bank policies, his blind condemnation of the government's role in development, and his strong belief that the white establishment would be the greatest beneficiary of such reforms. His knowing defense of privatizing the energy sector reveals his stance.truth color. De Ruyter dismisses those who advocate an economic activist state as not understanding basic economics. It is clear that he has not read much about the role of government in development for at least 30 years.
The final litmus for Mr. de Ruyter's right-wing thinking is his views on basic income subsidies. He said: “Ultimately I'm against this policy…because it's here to stay.” dependence His understanding of the government's plans for the poor is the same as that of right-wing white Americans. Ironically, we conveniently forgot that past apartheid policies gave nearly 87% of land to whites and provided staggering subsidies for education. This great gift to white people laid the foundations for poverty for the majority of South Africans.
What did the ANC government do wrong?
Regardless of the weaknesses in De Ruyter's argument, the government's performance over the past 20 years has been abysmal.
One of the most valuable assets acquired by the liberation movement and inherited by the ANC government was the trust of the majority of the population. Preserving and enhancing this important asset required a three-pronged strategy.
Read | Ebrahim Harvey: Andre de Ruyter's tell-all book: Speaking truth to power?
First, it was essential that the state be proactive in providing services such as housing, water, and education to the majority of the poor. The second, more demanding challenge is to revitalize the economy by protecting and reforming old productive industries, producing for domestic and international markets, and investing in enterprises that create real productive employment. did. Third, the ANC needed to establish a model of integrity in public service that contrasted with the stigma of apartheid.
Some policies and actions have betrayed the golden promise of the Rainbow Nation. First, the eagerness of ambitious black elites to imitate the lifestyles of their former “masters” clearly demonstrated that the harsh emancipatory methods essential to Reconstruction were no longer in fashion. .
Second, the government's unrealistic belief that it can survive the neoliberal global economic landscape laid down to waste old industries such as textiles and pre-empt the potential of a developed nation. Third, the moral decline of the ANC leadership, most brutally exposed by the Marikana massacre and state capture, exposed the powerlessness of the party. It is thus the combination of neoliberalism and corruption that has ruined Africa's potential for renaissance.
– Abdi Ismail Samatar He is Distinguished Professor at the University of Pretoria and Professor of Geography at the University of Minnesota. His latest book is Framing Somalia: Beyond Africa's Merchants of Misery (2022).
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